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The meeting opened at 8 o'clock in the morning, presided over by the four gentlemen named above. The attendance from the first numbered a couple of thousand, which gradually swelled as time went on to five or six thousand-some say as many as ten thousand-comprising chiefly representatives from the army, the students, and the gentry. From the account of the second writer, who attended this and the previous meeting to take notes, there appears to have been no order or coherence whatever. Speaker after speaker ascended the platform merely to indulge in hysterical denunciation of the evil designs of foreign Powers and to exhaust himself in violent abuse of the president of the Board of Communications, one perfervid orator going so far as to bite his fingers repeatedly until the blood ran. The din and hubbub were indescribable, and the audience were worked up to a pitch. of frantic excitement. During the progress of the meeting a leaflet was handed round, of which, as it purports to give the plan of campaign organised by the gentry and the students, enclose copy and translation. The language of this leaflet, like that used at the meeting, is wildly extravagant, and out of all proportion to the interests at stake. It was, of course, designed to stir up the people and to frighten the provincial authorities--an aim which would certainly appear to have been successfully accomplished.
On Monday morning, 15th May, the "Changsha Jih Pao "published verbatim a lotter addressed by the governor to the director-general of the railway, expressing the utmost sympathy with the Hunanese in losing control of the line, and undertaking to exert himself to the utmost to assist them in recovering it. His Excellency promised to memorialise the Throne on their behalf; and further expressed himself willing to receive for transmission to Peking any representations they might wish to make on the subject. He concluded by deprecating violence and excitement in dealing with the question.
A notification issued by the educational commissioner also appeared in the news- paper, warning the students that they were not allowed to interfere in politics, and threatening to deal severely with any who attempted to stir up trouble or spoke of closing the schools.
No real attempt was made, however, to suppress the agitation; and anti-foreign hand-bills, couched in simple language to enable them to reach the great mass of the people, were distributed freely throughout the city. They were all very similar to the leaflet handed round at the meeting, but were still more violent and inflammatory; the familiar cry of the imminent partition of China was once more raised, Hunan among other provinces being assigned to the United Kingdom. No effort was spared to stir up feeling among the people, and the shopkeepers were urged to be ready to join in a general strike by closing up their shops.
In the morning I telegraphed to you briefly the state of affairs, suggesting that the dispatch of a gun-boat to Changsha was advisable. At the same time, I addressed a despatch to the governor, forwarding a copy of one of the anti-foreign leaflets, and complaining of the inaction of the authorities.
No measures, however, were taken, and the situation developed rapidly. The same evening it was announced that, unless the reply of the Central Government to the governor's telegraphic memorial was favourable, a general strike would be proclaimed at once; and Thursday, the 18th May, was fixed as the latest date for waiting. The most reassuring factor in the situation was the confidence reposed in the troops, especially in the Hunan mixed brigade under General Yang. Some members of the foreign community were inclined to cast doubts on their loyalty; but, apart from the fact that their trustworthiness was amply vindicated at the time of the riot last year, my enquiries satisfied me that they were to be depended upon.
On Tuesday morning, 16th May, the excitement reached its height. The anti-foreign propaganda was proceeding unchecked; the anti-foreign leaflets were still being freely distributed; anti-foreign placards had made their appearance on the walls, and the students were openly threatening the governor's life if the reply of the Central Government was not satisfactory. I wrote again to the governor com plaining that no precautionary or repressive measures whatever had been taken by the officials, and requested categorically to know whether he could guarantee protection to the foreign community. In reply to a question put to me on the subject, I said that it would be as well if no foreign women or children spent the night in the city. Some of them went down river to Hankow. Others slept on board the steamers in port; while others again moved over to the island opposite the city where the Customs residences stand. The men, however, with one or two exceptions, remained. At this point, however, the accounts of the two consulate writers who were
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busily engaged throughout in collecting information indicate that the gentry suddenly decided to range themselves on the side of law and order. In the light of subsequent events I am inclined to believe that they had not contem- plated going to extremes, but had merely desired to frighten the Government into compliance with their wishes. The movement had, however, got quite out of hand; the students were altogether beyond control; and the gentry, faced with an imminent riot, decided that they must cry a halt. They urged on the students the importance of confining themselves to pacific measures; but the latter were not inclined to listen. The governor, however, heartened doubtless by the support of the gentry, at last rose to the occasion. I received a reply from him the same evening, stating that he would protect foreigners; and he also sent the Customs taotai to reassure me as to the situation. Guards of soldiers were placed outside all the foreign establishments in the city, and a proclamation was issued by the governor pointing out that, if the people really imagined they had a grievance, they could elect representatives to lay the matter before him, when he would memorialise the Throne on their behalf; but that everything must be done in a peaceable manner. understood, however, that inflammatory leaflets were being freely distributed, which were causing great excitement, and that it was openly stated that there would be no hesitation in bringing about international complications.
He
His Excellency went on to say that, if a disturbance resulted, the law-abiding classes would be the first to suffer; and he further stated that the railway question was being used as a pretext by bad characters who were anxious to stir up tronble. But being responsible for the safety of the people, it was impossible for him to show the least leniency towards such manifestations; and he had therefore given orders to all civil and military officials to suppress the least sign of disorder and to punish all in any way attempting to make trouble.
The following day, the 17th May, the situation had improved considerably, as reported in my telegram of that date. The distribution of hand-bills had completely ceased; the anti-foreign placards had been torn down and replaced by copies of the governor's proclamation; the streets were patrolled by soldiers, who allowed no crowds to form and kept the people moving; while any found spreading alarming rumours were immediately arrested. The students had by no means cooled down, and still openly intimated their intention of bringing about a general strike in case the railway was not restored to Hunanese control. The gentry, however, were doing their best to check the excitement, for which they themselves were largely responsible; and I felt assured that any disturbance that might arise would be quickly suppressed with the aid of the military.
The opening of the extraordinary session of the Provincial Assembly on the 18th May was looked forward to eagerly, as it was anticipated that the regular business of the meeting would be set aside in favour of the railway question. Large numbers of notables and students attended what was expected to be a fierce debate. They were disappointed, however. Not a word was spoken on the subject of the railway, and the Assembly busied itself exclusively with the estimates for the 2nd year of Hsuan- t'ung. I attribute this largely to the influence of Yüan Shu-hsün, the ex-Governor- General of Liang Kuang, who had been specially invited down from Siangtan to assist the officials and the gentry with his advice; it unquestionably did much to allay the general excitement, and strengthened the hands of the authorities in dealing with the situation. With the arrival of His Majesty's ship Woodlark the same afternoon I considered that any immediate need for anxiety had disappeared. It was not, however, until the 20th May, when the appointment of Tuan-fang as High Commissioner for the superintendence of the Hankow-Canton and the Hankow- Chêngtu Railways was received with equanimity, and when the gentry made it perfectly clear that they would countenance none but peaceable methods of opposition that I felt justified in telegraphing that there was little danger of trouble arising.
Nevertheless, it is impossible to predict what complications may arise when the question of the actual taking over of the railway comes to be dealt with and the gentry realise that the Central Government fully intends to assume control, as indicated by the recent Imperial edicts, in which all local levies on behalf of the line are ordered to be stopped at once, and the governor is directed to issue a special yellow proclamation to announce the news to the people. The gentry still hope to resume control of the line, and it is difficult to say to what lengths they may be prepared to proceed to accomplish their ends. Yesterday I obtained a copy of the petition which they are presenting to the governor for transmission to the Throne, in which they base their opposition to a foreign loan on three pleas :-
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